Gender exploitation in south India and rise of the Self-Respect Movement
- Authored by Latharani Poongavanam, M.com, M.A (Tamil)(This Article was Submitted in International Conference on Periyar Self-Respect Movement held at University of Cologne, Germany on July, 26,27 & 28 - 2017)
Introduction
The SRM (Self Respect Movement) had been going on for more than a century. But only after 1925 had the movement taken an organized form with systematic opposition given against the Social Ruling Classes. This was possible due to the enigmatic philosopher popularly known as “Thanthai Periyar”.
Let us begin by discussing the man, the movement and his times; and how he has changed the very identity of social justice.
E.V.Ramasamy is a revolutionary, who propagated the ideology of self-determination to all sections of the society in all aspects of their lives; and for the first time in living memory of the Indian society; codified under his organisations the founding principle of Self-respect that all humans are born free and equal.
Erode Venkatappa Ramasamy (17 September 1879 – 24 December 1973) popularly known as Thanthai Periyar in the sub-continent; was an immensely revolutionary social activist who started the Self-Respect Movement and Dravidar Kazhagam; he began the systematic decimation of the social inequality that persisted in the sub-continent. E.V. Ramasamy propagated the principles of rationalism, self-respect and the eradication of the caste system; and to achieve this he put women’s right front and centre of his movement.
His ideologies were the foundation on which the social reforms in Sub-continent were erected; he opposed the ostracism and exploitation of non-Brahmin indigenous people of South India. The core of the Self-Respect Movement envisioned by Periyar was the dissemination of relevant political education; and breaking the chains of slavery that had been tied in the minds of the masses for eons through needless customs, meaningless ceremonies and blind superstitious beliefs.
The Self-Respect Movement successfully campaigned for their principles by starting their Tamil weekly magazine “Kudi Arasu” and their English Journal “Revolt” in 1925, 1928 respectively. The publications served as force multipliers in addition to the district meetings for the dissemination of the Self-Respect Movement’s principles. The prevailing traditional customs were constructed to be disadvantageous to women and the lower caste women bore the brunt of this discrimination through systematic exploitation in the name of religion and tradition; the Self-respect movement was the result of the unification of generational sporadic struggles against social injustices.
Most people are aware about the social divisions inflicted on a heterogeneously stable society by the “Manu-Needhi Brigade” as early as the 10th century AD. In the sub-continent economic slavery was rampant during those times. These slaves; however had the opportunity to earn their freedom. But since the introduction of Manu Neethi Dharma in South India; for the first time, a whole section of the society was made into perpetual slaves both socially and economically.
Under the Manu-Neethi social construct, the Tamil society had undergone a profound change. The whole basis of the society changed from a matriarchal society to a patriarchal society. The Manu Needhi dharma intensely decimated the Tamil culture; stripping off its core values and principles.
The list of atrocities committed on women and their self-respect are numerous; but due to publication constraints we are going to narrowly focus in-depth at few major atrocities for this article and how the self-respect movement enabled the affected classes to demand and vehemently acquire justice.
Dress code and Class distinction
The division of land and access were restructured according to the Manu Dharma; Brahmins, Kshatriyas and other upper castes were allowed to own lands, but the Shudras were denied the opportunity to even hold on a single square foot of land of any kind. (K. Veeramani, 2004)
Whenever a Brahmin was walking on the road the Shudra must have had made themselves scares. Or else be punished through public whipping. Whenever the Shudra walked on public roads; he or she must have a broom tied to their back such that the broom would sweep the paths they had walked on, thereby cleansing the land of the impurity the Shudras had palliated upon it by walking.. (D. Gopal Chetti, 1920)
Strict impositions were placed on the Shudras on how to walk, behave on roads, gatherings and public places, and while using common utilities. If a Shudra walks on the road and hears a Brahmin reciting anything in Sanskrit, the offending Shudra was punished by pouring hot oil in their ears till they became deaf. (K. Veeramani 2004)
Ironically enough, the present day Indian government is trying to teach and revive the language whose very existence inflicted a great social injustice on the lower castes of the society. They are now trying to teach Sanskrit to Shudras and asking them to forget all the ancestors who were rendered deaf just for hearing the same language.
The Manu dharma imposed strict dress codes for the society. The dress code was most atrocious towards the Shudra castes. Men were not allowed to wear any clothes on their upper body and conversely no piece of clothing should reach below the knee caps of the lower body. Similarly, women, especially Shudra women were not allowed to wear clothes on their upper body. The Shudra women must be naked above the waist. (Dr. Joyi Balan, 2013).
If any women wanted to cover her breasts, they’d have to pay a special tax to earn the privilege of covering their own body. This practice was most forcibly imposed in the south west of India. (Present day state of Kerala.) The Nambudiri caste demanded that all women must be revealing their upper body in their presence with no exceptions. (Dr. Joyi Balan, 2013)
Even if the women were carrying water, they must ensure their breasts must be in the full public view and not covered. I.e. the women were supposed to carry water pots on their heads and not on their hips; So that the upper caste men could have an unhindered view of the woman’s breast. The rate of the breast tax was directly proportional to the size and perkiness of the breasts. The depravity of the Brahmin society is further illuminated through the fact that the breast tax was imposed on women between the age of 15 and 35.
Nangeli
Till the later part of the 19th century women in Kerala had to pay a breast tax for the privilege of covering their chest with a cloth. Looking back at the evolution of the concept of gender equality, we can see clearly that laws and social norms always had more control in drawing arbitrary lines and proclaiming that these lines were not meant to be crossed.
The early 1800s was the time these oppressive practices were at its peak. There existed nearly 110 extra taxes that were imposed by the upper caste which interfered with various aspects of daily life like commerce, social freedom and domestic comfort of the lower caste people. The system was designed to ensure that the lower caste remained in a cycle of debt and poverty while the upper castes thrived.
As resentment grew among the lower castes on this oppressive system, sporadic rebellion erupted across the Travancore region. The retribution by the upper castes were swift and merciless which included sexual assault, rape, stripping of lower caste women in public places; and demolition of their homes. These events led to the ‘Channar Revolt’ within the kingdom of Travancore. The revolt forced the British governor of Madras to intervene and force the kings of Travancore to issue two proclamations; one in 1859, by Maharaja Utram Thirunal and the other in 1865 by Maharaja Ayilyam Thirunal, abolishing the taxation in the kingdom of Travancore alone. This practice was continued in other parts of south India. (Dr. Joyi Balan)
Of all the acts of bravery committed by the revolutionaries one stands apart, in 1803 a women named Nangeli hailing from Cherthala bravely defied the orders of the state; a tax collector was dispatched to her house to collect the breast tax when the story of her refusal spread; Nangeli instead of placing money on the plantain leaf and presenting it to the collector, cut off her breasts with a sickle knife and presented it to him; Nangeli died the same day and her husband Chiru kandan joined her in the protest, by stepping in to the pyre (Dr. S. Joyi Balan, 2013, Vayalar Madhavan kutty,2016, Dr. Sadhasivan, 2013); this was a very singular act committed by a man at that period.
Under the context of the ‘Channar Revolt’ we can correlate modern day gender suppression carried out under theocratic guise, particularly the restriction on the right of entry into various temples of Kerala.
The term “Azhinjadikal”, which roughly translates into ‘loose women’ in English, is frequently being used to describe women who demand the right of entry into temples; the term was also used in the past to describe the Nadar women of Travancore who led the Channar revolt. (Dr. Joyi Balan, 2016) They were never ‘blessed’ or approved of by society, but it was these ‘loose women’ who secured the right for women in Kerala to dress the way they want to.
It is also why it matters to keep fighting at every point. There will always be people who say ‘it isn’t as bad as it used to be’ and that modern feminists and Self-respect advocates are fighting for causes that don’t really matter. But this isn’t true. The scale of the impact of these battles will only be put into perspective with the passage of time, when closed minds begin comprehending the bigger generational war that still continues.
Though the restrictions were officially removed by 1865 the practice continued till 1957; it was Periyar, his self-respect brigade and self-respect activists who had taken up the ‘Thol Seelai Porattam’ and forced the government of the day to promulgate enforceable laws against this exploitation.
Sathi
The most infamous injustice inflicted on women is “Sathi” but the extent of this deprived practice has been limited to the burning of a widow. We will now focus on the true nature of this deprived practice.
The Sathi system's ingenuity was that it transferred power and wealth to the Brahmins by making kinsfolk murderers; that is people who otherwise would have been providing and caring for the widow and her family. (A Venkataachala Naicker,1882)
Explaining the ritual process carried out during Sathi will give a better understanding about the true nature of this deprived practice.
After the death of the husband, the widow was dressed up as a bride with all her jewellery and valuables. When the time had come to enter the pyre, the widow removed her valuables on hand and turned it over to the performing priest.
The Poet Venkatachala Naicker had written about this atrocious practice in his book ‘Hindu Madha Aachara Aabaasa Dharsini’. The poem goes like this...
உடன் கட்டை ஏறும் பெண்கள் உகந்து அணி நகைகள் எல்லாம்
கடன் ஈந்தார்க்கு ஈவார் போலக் கடமை அந்தணர்க்கே ஈந்து
கடத்துடன் ஆவி பதைத்து கலங்கி தத்தளித்துக் கூவும்
மடக்கொடி அவள்தன் கோரம் மறையவர் மகிழ்வார் அன்றோ? (724)
If the widow had an infant child, the infant was cut into pieces according to the number of brothers the deceased husband had. The infant’s remains were to be buried in their respective lands to bring good fortune. This dismemberment was carried out by the priest. (A Venkataachala Naicker,1882)
The following poem clarifies this process.
இளம்பிள்ளை அதனைக் காளிக்கு எதிர்த்தம்பம் அதனில் கட்டி
உளங்களித்து அதன் தேகத்தில் உரித்திடச் சுரிகை தன்னில்
பிளந்திடும் துணுக்கைத் தங்கள் புலத்தினில் புதைக்கத் தான்யம்
விளைந்திடும் என்றே சொல்லி சித்ரவதை செய்தார் சிசுக்கள் தம்மை. (727)
All the lands and valuables belonging to the widow were given to the performing priest. Similarly the valuables and lands belonging to the husband were distributed to the next male heirs.
If no heirs were left, the entire wealth became the property of the presiding priest tax free.
Another poem from the same book reveals a distinctly troubling aspect of the Sathi practise; with regard to the fate of an adolescent child of the widow.
“இனிமை நாயகன் தன்னோடே இறங்கிப் பெண் நெருப்பில் தீய
தனி மைந்தர் தசை எலும்பைத் தடித்துத் தன புலத்துக்கு ஈய
மனிதரைத் துண்டில் குத்தி மரத்தினால் சுற்றி வீழக்
கனிந்திடும் நெருப்பில் தோய்ந்து கால்வழண்டு அதனில் சாக (728)”
The lines describe the adolescent child of the widow being skewered above a fireplace and his remains being distributed between the priest castes. (A Venkataachala Naicker,1 K. Veeramani, 2004882). This message indicates the act of ritual cannibalism as a staple of the Sathi rites and this practise of human flesh consumption is still practiced by the Aghori monks in Varanasi albeit posthumously and not actively killed. The Sathi practices seem to be the inspiration for the modern day cannibalism of the Aghori.
The British Indian government outlawed the practice due to continuous campaigning of Ram Mohan Roy; nevertheless the Manu Needhi brigade found other forums to subjugate women. The upper castes insisted that widows were ostracised in the community and were not allowed to head or conduct auspicious events; unfortunately this ostracisation of widows continues in the present despite the herculean efforts of the self-respect movement to eradicate it.
Widows and female children were denied any share of the inheritance; similarly a widow was not allowed to remarry after the death of her husband. Periyar countered these discrimination by advocating Self-respect marriages (since 1928) where the ceremony took place without any officiating priest and the language of the vows were understandable to all including the bride and groom; customarily the vows were recited in Sanskrit a dead language and hence the entire marriage began on superstitious blind adherence.
It was this systematic opposition offered by the Self-respect Movement enabled then Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu C.N.Annadurai to pass and sign into law the Hindu Marriage Act (Madras Amendment), 1967.
Deva-dasi system: Forced underage prostitution
The Deva-dasi system was socio-economic method of subjugation of lower caste women. The system was setup to assimilate young girls before entering puberty so that they did not realise the depths of their captivity and sexual exploitation. It was done under the guise of marriage to the Temple or God; these women were forbidden from entering into any real relationship or family structure and subsequently their off springs were also hereditarily obligated to continue this practise.
Their daily routine included cleaning the premises, lighting the lamp and dressing the idols of the temple; and serving as entertainment to the patrons and priests all under the guise of serving the temple. The Devadasi girls were trained to perform erotic dance and music (Sadir) from a tender age, modern day Bharadnattiyam has its roots firmly planted in this erotic dance tradition. (Dr. Sadhasivan, 2013)
The girls were forced to beg for food and clothes after their so called divine duties at temple so that they could survive. The sexual exploitation began as early as 8 years old; even before the child could begin to comprehend their actions. Poor, low caste girls were initially sold at private auctions and were later dedicated to the temples. Fathom the depravity of this tradition; these sexual slaves had no recourse to justice against any physical and mental abuse inflicted on them with or without consent; as the abusive act was performed under religious sanctions.
The Deva-dasi system is the earliest known systematic and endemic propagator of the Stockholm syndrome. They were in every sense wife of the stones and indentured captives of the upper castes; this practice was introduced as early as 1230-1240 AD. Even in modern day India this practise still continues in the shadows, with a single section of the society calling for its revival. The Deva dasi system was outlawed under the madras presidency as early as 1947 but a nationwide ban was not promulgated till 1988.
The decimation of the Deva-dasi system would be incomplete without discussing Moovalur Ramamirtham Ammaiyar. The Self Respect Movement, had provided space for, and encouraged political activism among women activists; through their writings and speeches women activists articulated their consciousness about issues of concern to women as well as issues which were taken up by the Movement.
Moovalur Ramamirtham Ammaiyar, who began her life as a Deva- dasi but transformed herself over the years to become a front ranking revolutionary in the Self Respect Movement,. (A. Karunanandham,1979) Moovalur Ramamirtham Ammaiyar was born in 1883 in the Isai Vellalar caste, and was initiated into the Deva-dasi customs at a young age. It was during this time she deeply reflected on the true nature of this custom and read the religious texts which advocated it. She inferred that men had forced certain women into this degrading profession to chase their indiscreet desires. This awareness led her to walk out of the Deva-dasi life and marry a musician Suyambu Pillai on her own accord.
Ramamirtham Ammaiyar carried out Deva-dasi abolition campaigns through the formation of Deva-dasi associations in local areas around Thanjavur. During her campaigns against the Deva-dasi system, she supported Dr.Muthulakshmi Reddy's efforts to end the system through legislation.
Apart from supporting and campaigning for Deva-dasi abolition, she also organised inter-caste marriages and marriages of consent for the Dasi to free themselves from their servitude to Hindu temples.
In the course of her political career in the Self Respect Movement, she acted as a relentless campaigner against women's subordination. As a full-time activist of the Movement, she addressed various conferences and elaborated how Hinduism and upper caste men were legitimising women's subordination. In 1936 she published a novel in Tamil with the title ‘Dasikal Mosavalai Allathu Madhipettra Mainer’.
In the early twentieth century, women's entry into the academic field as writers and journalists representing their freedom to express their view was not welcomed by their gender counterparts. What is significant here is the fact that most of these writings by women valorised the traditional 'womanly virtues' such as chastity. Under this context an ex-Deva-dasi writing against the tradition was viewed as blasphemous by the upper castes; she faced staunch resistance against publication of the book.
The life history of Ramamirtham Ammaiyar was indeed extraordinary. From being a Devadasi, she became a foremost champion of women's cause in the Tamil districts. Ramamirtham ammaiyar does not represent an 'average' women activist of the Self Respect Movement, but one who removed the outer limit to which a woman activist of the Movement could reach out.
Self-respect movement and the rise of women.
The Self Respect Movement not only took up women's issues as one of its central concerns, but also provided great stimulus for women to participate in all its forums and activities. For instance the movement organised special women's conferences within the ambience of its general conferences.
During the Second Self Respect Women's Conference at Virudunagar 1931, lndrani Balasubramaniam delivered the presidential address. In this conference resolutions in support of birth control were passed. The conference resolved that women should not only be recruited for professions like teaching and medicine, but also be inducted into army and police; the conference called for powers to be delegated to the local magistrates to identify and catalogue those temples which encouraged Deva-dasi system.
While special women's conferences provided an exclusive space for women activists of the Self Respect Movement to articulate themselves on issues, their participation in general conferences was also substantial. That is women were not isolated within the Movement. Often the much honoured role of delivering the inaugural addresses of the general conferences fell on the shoulders of women activists. To cite a few instances Indrani Balasubramaniam inaugurated the Third Self Respect Conference at Virudunagar in 1932.
In piercing divergence to the nationalists and the independent women's organisations, the Self Respect Movement addressed women's issues in a profoundly different fashion. The nationalist organisation took up issues affecting women in isolation, but the self-respect movement viewed the issues as entangled having a common foundation in patriarchy.
The philosophical thrust of the Movement led it to question Brahmanism and Hinduism; the legitimising forces of patriarchy in Tamil society. As such, the Self Respect Movement developed a scathing criticism of the vital categories of patriarchy such as marriage, female monogamy and chastity.
We need to be aware that these categories remained valorised in the discourse of the nationalist organisations. Women’s involvement in the Movement was also extensive. The Movement provided space for women activists to involve in all its activities as equals to male activists. The women activists of the Self Respect Movement exhibited strong anti-patriarchal awareness and discounted traditions which were sanctified by religion for the sole purpose of enchaining women.
Conclusion
In addition to many of the anti-Caste and Tamil nationalist ideologies; the Self-Respect Movement held at its core deeply feminist principles. Gender relationships were actively divorced from Brahminical patriarchy and women's rights over their physical, sexual and reproductive choices were celebrated. We have seen above the methodologies used to systematically exploit women under the name of rituals, tradition and religion namely Sathi, Devadasi system and gender class warfare; though significant roads have been made to reach a gender equal society one must understand that the war against gender exploitation is a Trans-generational war.
The rise of the Self-respect movement has helped women win many battles against gender exploitation but the war is far from over due to the recent rise in Hindu socialism. In Periyar's society, women were to be allowed access to contraception and even permanent birth control measures. Women were given the right to choose partners as well as divorce them and remarry. Widowhood was not castigated through religious beliefs. Heterosexual partnerships were radically transformed by advocating for eradication of gender hierarchies and roles.
These philosophies enticed several women from all walks of life to the movement. Women included former prostitutes, wage labourers, doctors, former Deva-dasis and teachers. Women in the movement worked on issues most closely affecting women's like advocating for alcohol prohibition, widow remarriage, inheritance equality, supporting survivors of domestic violence and the anti-temple prostitution (Devadasi system); the Self-respect movement is often criticised for perceived exclusion of Dalit leadership, two Dalit women namely, Veerammal and Annai Meenambal Shivraj were key to the nourishment of the movement.
Neelambigai Ammaiyaar presided over the Tamil Nadu Women Conference, 1938 which prescribed the title "Periyar” to E.V. Ramasamy Naicker. The title “Periyar” meaning the elder or wise one. The final goal of gender equality is in sight due to the rise of the Self-respect movements.
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